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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Tara Mitchell: Company sees the value of waste

Via ecoRInews John Engwer, owner of Groundscapes Express Inc., and Butch Goodwin, operations manager, recently led Ecological Landscaping Alliance (ELA) participants on a tour of the company’s composting facility, explaining how compost is made and discussing its many benefits and uses.

Through knowledge, training and, most importantly, years of experience, Engwer and Goodwin have developed a fine-tuned operation for turning waste into a valuable product.

Many people are familiar with the benefits of compost as an amendment to improve soil quality and to provide the slow release of nutrients for plants. However, compost has many other less-recognized uses and benefits in the landscape.

Compost, for instance, has a large water holding capacity. When applied over bare soil as a compost-mulch mix, it has the ability to capture and hold rainwater, preventing runoff and protecting soil from erosion. For example, a 2-inch layer of a compost and wood-chip mix, can hold about 160 gallons of water per 1,000 square feet.

Compost also has a high number of microorganisms that play an essential role in making nutrients available to plants and in breaking down and binding pollutants and heavy metals. All of these benefits make compost invaluable not only for gardens but also for protecting water quality.

Composting and the use of composed material essentially imitates the natural process of growth, death, decomposition and renewal. Composting, whether as a backyard operation or a larger-scale business, is basically a mechanism of accelerating decomposition using manual or mechanical methods.

Applying a compost-mulch mix over bare soil instantly provides the soil protection that ground cover and leaf litter naturally provide. Compost as a soil amendment speeds up landscape restoration by providing an immediate source of organic matter, moisture and microbial activity that would otherwise take years to evolve through the natural cycles of growth and decay.

Groundscapes Express’s compost begins with organic waste product brought in by local suppliers. Piles of wood chips, leaves, manure and cranberry waste line the edges of the composting area. Turning those materials into a high-quality product requires getting the proper carbon-to-nitrogen ratio and maintaining the right moisture levels.

Putting food scrap to work
With the recent implementation of the Massachusetts ban on food waste being buried or incinerated, food scrap from hospitals, restaurants and supermarkets have become another ingredient in the composting process. Food scrap from a local hospital is now incorporated into Groundscapes’ composting process.

Food scrap has the benefit of higher moisture and nitrogen, but requires additional quantities of the drier feedstocks to get the proper carbon-to-nitrogen mix and the right balance of moisture. Food scrap also adds the problem of attracting wildlife, and is more likely to be delivered with plastic debris that must be removed.

Once the right proportions of the feedstock are mixed by a loader, the material is laid out in long rows, to await the work of bacteria, fungi and other living organisms to turn the material into compost. Maintaining the right balance of water and oxygen as the material decomposes is critical to creating a high-end product. Too little water or oxygen can slow decomposition. If the material is too wet, it results in anaerobic conditions, and the living organisms necessary for aerobic decomposition die.

Piling the rows too high can also result in anaerobic conditions, because the high moisture content of organic matter makes it heavy and susceptible to compaction within the pile. An easy way to identify poor-quality compost or anaerobic compost is by smell. Bad smelling compost, or compost that smells like ammonia, is likely anaerobic and shouldn’t be used.

During decomposition,  air circulation is important not only to provide oxygen to the microbes but also to help maintain proper temperatures. As the bacteria and other organism feed on the carbon, energy (heat) is released.

Temperatures inside a pile can reach 200 degrees. However, for quality compost, the temperature must be maintained at an average of 140 degrees, according to Goodwin. High temperatures are necessary to kill pathogenic bacteria and organisms and to ensure that weed seeds are no longer viable. If temperatures are too high or too low, certain necessary bacteria and microorganisms will die, altering the process and resulting in a final product that has less microbial benefit.

Goodwin and his crew take the temperature of the compost twice a week, monitor both the interior and the exterior temperature of the piles to determine when they are ready to be turned. To turn the piles, Groundscapes uses a compost turner, which both aerates the compost and physically breaks down the material, speeding up decomposition. They also sift out large chunks of wood, rocks and other debris.

To ensure that material at the bottom of the pile gets aerated, the entire row is moved and shifted. From start to finish, the piles shrink by some 40 percent as material is broken down and moisture released. As existing piles shrink and more space opens up, new piles are added.

The finished compost feels light and smells earthy. Consistency is an essential part of the process and begins with having regular suppliers with consistent feedstock. Materials can vary, depending on the source and how much undesirable debris comes with the product. Leaf matter can vary depending on the season, and various materials have differing amounts of moisture.

Maintaining the routine of monitoring and turning also is important. Like making bread, which is also dependent on the work of living organisms, producing quality compost is based on using the right proportions of ingredients, proper handling of material, and paying attention to temperature and timing.

Goodwin said the material takes about four months to decompose and is then left to cure for another two months. It’s then screened. The finished product, dark brown, moist, light and crumbly, smelling of earth and full of microbes, is then ready to be delivered.

Compost filter tubes In addition to using and supplying compost for application to soils, Engwer created compost filter tubes for use as erosion control. Using a compost blower truck, a mix of two parts wood mulch and one part compost is blown into burlap tubes on site. Due to the weight of the compost mix — about 30 pounds a cubic foot dry and 90 pounds wet — the tubes, unlike hay bales and silt fence, don’t need to be trenched, avoiding a disturbance that leaves the soil and the site susceptible to weed seeds. The tubes also can be easily placed on compacted or frozen soils.

These burlap tubes filled with compost and wood-chip mulch provide multiple benefits for stormwater management. They physically filter sediment and serve as a physical barrier, slowing the velocity of water. The compost filters also captures and holds water, reducing flow.

The microorganisms provide additional long-term benefit by chemically breaking down, binding and reducing nutrients and pollutants, such as heavy metals, petroleum products and harmful bacteria, thus protecting water quality. And, because the burlap is biodegradable, the tubes don’t have to be removed and continue to provide a benefit as they decompose in place.

One big rain garden As the tour ended, Engwer noted that, “All the earth is a rain garden.” The entire landscape works as a system, absorbing, infiltrating, releasing, cleaning and cycling water. Like the composting process, that system is dependent on a continual supply of organic matter.

Engwer emphasized the importance of using, reusing and retaining existing wood, stumps, brush and other natural material on site so that organic matter can remain part of the cycle of growth, death, decomposition and renewal.

Tara Mitchell is a landscape architect with the Massachusetts Department of Transportation. Her responsibilities include design, design review and construction services for landscape restoration. This story originally ran in an Ecological Landscaping Association newsletter.

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

I would forever be a complainer

farm

-- Photo by JOHN PINNING

Green End Farm, in Middletown, circa 1960, where the author savored his Thanksgiving dinner.

 

We’re rolling merrily down my grandparents' lane in Middletown,  R.I.,  which is next to Newport. A border of weeping willows just beyond the passenger windows drapes into Green End Pond before the lane curves away at the stone wall and up between two towering maples and past the rarely-used front door of the white farmhouse. We pull around back by the cast iron water pump with the long, curved handle and trundle in through the back door.

My grandmother is at the kitchen stove, a pot on every burner, opening the oven door to baste the turkey. The entire house is rich with the aroma of pies, vegetables and turkey.

Everything glistens. The mahogany table, the backs of the chairs. The window glass and the cut glasses and candlesticks on the table. The silverware. Heat comes up through the scrollwork of the floor registers. It is here, in the big dining room, behind lace curtains with the afternoon sun streaming in, that we celebrate Thanksgiving.

Aunts and uncles and cousins arrive from Newport, Bristol, Warren and Providence. I am shy around some of these people whom I only see a couple times a year. These are working people; Portuguese, Irish, fishermen and plumbers. They are jostling and physical, and my head is rubbed many times, and I am hugged and kissed by aunts with booming voices wearing too much lipstick and perfume. I am not a loud person. I don’t know how to smile unless I am genuinely happy. I am feeling pretty happy at the moment, just overwhelmed and crowded.

The grand feast is served forth, the plates are loaded and the eating begins, soon followed by the arguing. Something is said about the Kennedys and my father starts in about the Bay of Pigs, and then an uncle accuses a brother-in-law of “double-dipping,” and the battle cry is raised about taxes in Newport and taxes in Bristol and why am I being sent to a private school — aren’t public schools good enough for me?

My mother’s younger sister is in high spirits with her new boyfriend and my mother has to take her down a few notches, accusing her of having more growing up than she did, and nobody notices when I slide down out of my chair and crawl out of the room. In the back hall I grab my coat and slip outside.

The sky is a watercolor wash of blues, grays and pale whites as I head up to the barn. My grandfather is inside, arranging the milking machines, the big grey tabby following him. I hadn’t notice him leave the dining room before me. He is wearing a work coat over his suit and a red plaid hat with flaps up.

I walk past him to visit the bull with the ring in his nose, watching us from behind the thick iron bars of his stall.

I follow my grandfather back to the front of the barn, where he takes another plaid wool hat, a green one like the red one he wears, and fits it onto my head. Then we walk down the lane to the pond.

Two swans glide over to us and my grandfather takes a chunk of bread out of his pocket, breaks off a piece and tosses crumbled bits of it into the water. He hands the chunk of bread to me and I do the same.

A group of mallards stream in, darting at the bread furthest from the swans and the last of the sun starts streaking the sky orange and purple.

“Time to bring in the cows,” my grandfather says.

We turn and head up the lane, toward the farmhouse and the pasture beyond. My grandmother is standing in a window watching us and I smile and wave to her. She smiles and waves back.

“She can listen to that. I can’t,” says my grandfather.

“Why do they complain so much?” I ask him.

“Not enough money,” says my grandfather. “That’s why your parents want you go there,” and he points to the Gothic spires of the St. George’s School chapel, lordly stoic beyond the fields on the highest point of land in the area.

And one day, I did go to that prestigious boarding school. But it was already too late for me. I was of the complaining class, and no matter how far life took me, I would forever see everything that was wrong and complain about it.

Still, Thanksgiving remains my favorite holiday — even if for turkeys it is a complete disaster, and for the American Indian, a day of national mourning.

 

Charles Pinning is the author of the Rhode Island-based novel “Irreplaceable.”

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Hoping for dinner in the Depression

  tgiving

 

"Thanksgiving Pie'' (print of oil painting), by William Meade Prince, who did magazine covers in the golden age of that medium -- from about 1900 to 1965. This one was done in 1930, as America slid deeper into the Great Depression.  As Joseph Asch noted in Dartblog.com, Mr. Prince's work  appeared on the cover of The Saturday Evening Post, Red Book, Cosmopolitan and Collier’s as well as The Country Gentleman.

Mr. Asch noted it  ''seems quaint that magazines would commission oil paintings to appear as cover art.'' We recommend that readers visit the National Museum of American Illustration, in Newport, R.I., to see an astonishing collection of the originals of this great popular art form.

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Chris Powell: They're happy to flee family on Thanksgiving

MANCHESTER, Conn.Thanksgiving, some  Connecticut Democratic state legislators said at a press conference the 
other day, is when Americans should be with their families, and so state law 
should require retailers open on the holiday to pay their employees a punitive 
doubletime and a half. 

The sentiment is lovely but it's a hallucination -- because for every big-box 
retail store employee who wishes that he didn't have to work on Thanksgiving 
there are a thousand people clogging the aisles of his store thrilled to have 
gotten  away from their families, many of them having 
already attended a high-school football game and many others planning to go to 
the movies afterward. 

Who will introduce the legislation requiring the shoppers to stay home so  that the 
retail employees can stay home too? By what necessity does the government get so 
intrusive in people's personal lives? 

General working conditions have been government's domain for decades, but the 
country already has minimum-wage and overtime laws. With more people shopping 
than working in retailing on Thanksgiving, why obstruct democracy? 

Further, why, with a doubletime-and-a-half law, drive up the costs of 
bricks-and-mortar retailing, which pays plenty of state sales and local property 
taxes, and thereby give more advantage to Internet retailing, which doesn't? 

The Thanksgiving doubletime proposal is just more pious pandering to a special 
interest at the expense of the public interest. 

But pandering to special interests pays well in Connecticut politics, as 
suggested by the announcement this week from the Connecticut Education 
Association, the state's biggest teachers union, that it will hire Senate 
President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr. as its deputy policy director when he 
leaves office in January. 

"Don is a strong advocate for public education and teachers," CEA President 
Sheila Cohen declared, which was to say that during his 22 years in the General 
Assembly Williams has been a reliable vote for the union. While state law 
forbids Williams from accepting money for lobbying state government until he has 
been out of office for a year, nothing prevents him from advising the union's 
lobbyists until the revolving door is unlocked. 

But if Williams has been a tool of the teachers, most Democratic legislators 
are, and if this ever bothered his constituents, they could have replaced him -- 
at least if newspapers and rival candidates had dared to make the point. 
Further, government in Connecticut is now so pervasive and legislative salaries 
so low that almost any employment undertaken by a legislator may present 
opportunities to exploit his office and increase his incentive to be a tool for 
somebody. 

Still, it's a matter of degree, and since no special interest is bigger than the 
CEA, Williams's new job can't help smelling like a payoff, especially since he 
does not seem to have been eager to pursue a career in private industry -- not 
that there is much private industry left in his part of 
the state, northeastern Connecticut. 

A few months ago Williams applied for the presidency of Quinebaug Valley 
Community College, in Killingly, near his home in Thompson on the Rhode Island 
border. Every cynic in the state was stunned that this  
payoff didn't come through, stunned that the community college board hired 
someone else, someone with a background in education -- though of course even a 
former politician might have a better grasp of the real world than a career 
educator. 

But at least the Senate Democrats have found a sinecure for Williams. Now they 
have to figure out what to do with state Sen. Andrew Maynard, of Stonington, 
hospitalized incommunicado for months with a serious brain injury two years 
short of his state pension qualification. How much really can be asked of the 
CEA? 

So could any of the big corporations that have received millions in "economic 
development" money from the Democratic state administration just to stick around 
use a deputy policy director? 

 
Chris Powell is managing editor of the Journal Inquirer, in Manchester, Conn. 
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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Red menace

gaudio "Black and Red, April 25, 2007'' (silkscreen and flocking on museum board), by DONALD SULTAN, at in the  "Black, White & Red All Over,'' show, Dec. 5-Feb 24, at Heather Gaudio Fine Art, New Canaan.

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Peter Hart: Big Media's bad advice for Democrats

Before anyone even knew just how badly the Democrats would get trounced in the 2014 midterm elections, some pundits were already sending the party a message: Be more like the Republicans.

Now they don’t put it that way, exactly.

The professional campaign watchers like to say instead that the Democratic Party needs to move to the “middle” or the “center.” What they mean is that the Democrats should get closer to the Republicans on the issues.

Think about this for a second.

The turnout for the mid-term elections was the lowest for a mid-term in 70 years. Can we really expect more people to get excited about voting if the two major political parties become more like one another?

It doesn’t make much sense, but that’s Big Media’s remedy

For example, after Senate Democrats voted to give the populist Sen. Elizabeth Warren, of Massachusetts, a leadership role in their caucus, CBS host Bob Schieffer said that it was “going to leave the impression that the party is moving to the left,” when the advice from “a lot of people” is that nothing will get done in Washington unless “both parties move toward the center.”

USA Today actually recommended that Barack Obama steal an idea from post-Iran/Contra Scandal Ronald Reagan and apologize on TV. What for? The newspaper didn’t say.

The problem, as The New York Times saw it, was that the Democrats had gone too far to the left under Obama: “Democrats largely abandoned the more centrist, line-blurring approach of Bill Clinton to motivate an ascendant bloc of liberal voters,” the paper insisted.

But that’s a dubious description of Obama-era Democrats.

On foreign policy, after all, the White House has escalated the war in Afghanistan, carried out drone attacks on several countries, helped engineer a disastrous Libyan War, and is now going back into Iraq.

The centerpiece of Obama’s domestic policy, meanwhile — the Affordable Care Act — was borrowed from Mitt Romney, who established a similar initiative as the governor of Massachusetts. And the law’s “individual mandate” to buy insurance was first cooked up by the right-wing Heritage Foundation.

But if that’s what the media considers veering left, what do Beltway insiders think  that the White House should do to make up for it?

For them, the first order of business is, well, big business: Obama should push through the secretive, corporate-friendly Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal. People who actually turned up to vote must find this peculiar, since almost no one was talking up the deal before Election Day.

What else should Obama do, according to these pundits? Approve the highly controversial Keystone XL pipeline, which would pump dirty tar sands oil from Canada down to the Gulf Coast for refining.

Why would a president who says he cares about the climate crisis do this? To be more bipartisan, apparently.

Does any of this sound like the message voters were sending?

Not at all.

In fact, one of the most intriguing findings to come out of the 2014 exit polls was that the majority of voters think  that the economic system favors the wealthy: 63 percent of respondents said so, up from 56 in 2012.

This would suggest that a more vigorous brand of economic populism would resonate with voters — even if the pundits would hate it.

Peter Hart is the activism director of Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting  (www.fair.org). This was distributed via OtherWords (www.OtherWords.org).

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Thanksgiving thoughts

  How much of the arson, vandalism, rioting and other violence connected with the Ferguson, Mo., mess is because of honest outrage about  perceived and real racism and how much is because some people, especially the young, enjoy the excitement of destruction? The electronic news media, for their part, did everything they could to hype up the potential of violence, and thus did their part to increase it.

 

xxx

 

The annual Thanksgiving recipe marathons on radio, TV and the newspapers are an overdose of Ambien.  They're  rapaciously repetitive and usually with some sort of a commercial angle. It's the industrial-strength start of the endlessly tedious  and loud American holiday season that, if we could afford it, we'd go  to Patagonia every year to avoid.

--- Robert Whitcomb

 

 

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'Coalition of Reason' rides RIPTA

New England Diary just received this press release from the Rhode Island Coalition of Reason (www.RICoR.org): "Godless? So are we."

These words, superimposed over an image of a curling surge of surf, now appear on 10 prominent king-size bus ads across Rhode Island. Their appearance marks the formal launch of the Rhode Island Coalition of Reason, a new organization comprised of six non-theistic (atheist and agnostic) groups in the state.

"We want to make our presence in the community known,” said  Tony Houston, coordinator of the Rhode Island Coalition of Reason.

Houston added: "Non-theistic people are your family members, friends, neighbors and co-workers. We may not believe in a deity or the supernatural, but we are compassionate, ethical members of this community. We would like to encourage local atheists, agnostics, freethinkers, skeptics, secularists and humanists to stand up and be counted. If you are a Rhode Island nonbeliever, know that you are not alone."

Hi-res images of the bus ads, prominently displayed on the sides of Rhode Island Public Transit  Authority (RIPTA) buses, can be found at http://unitedcor.org/national/news/godless-bus-ads-blanket-rhode-island. The images are free for media use. The bus ads will remain up through Dec.  24, 2014.

These ads are part a coordinated nationwide program that began in 2009. From then to now, 60 similar campaigns have been launched in 37 states and the District of Columbia by the United Coalition of Reason (UnitedCoR). UnitedCoR provided the $6,200 in funding for the Rhode Island campaign.

"The point of our national advertising campaigns is to reach out to the millions of atheists, agnostics and humanists living in the United States," explained Jason Heap, national coordinator of UnitedCoR. "Non-theists sometimes don't realize there's a community for them because they're flooded with theistic messages at every turn. So we hope our efforts to raise awareness will serve as a light in the darkness to let them know they aren't alone."

"Being visible is important to us," Heap concluded, "because, in our society, non-theistic people often don't know many like themselves."

This campaign is the latest in a nationwide effort to reach out to non-theists. There have been similar billboards, bus ads or Internet campaigns in Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin and West Virginia.

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Robert Whitcomb: Immigration, a bridge, 'royalists' and Rockefeller

President Obama is making a big mistake in seeking to protect millions of illegal aliens from prosecution by executive order.

While presidents have considerable legal discretion in individual deportation cases, giving amnesty to whole classes of people who broke the law in entering the U.S. stretches to the breaking point proper presidential powers. And remember that Congress has already debated — but not passed — legislative ideas similar to what the president would do, which also undermines his case.

Yes, Congress has long irresponsibly avoided fixing the immigration mess. No wonder the president is frustrated. Republicans, for their part, are torn between the campaign cash of businesses that love cheap illegal-immigrant labor, much of it at or below minimum wage, and nativist Republicans who feel culturally and economically swamped by the alien hordes. Cheap immigrant labor has helped undermine American wages, by some accounts as much as 8 percent.

Many illegal aliens are doing jobs that used to be considered entry jobs entirely for Americans, especially young Americans — a foot in the door of the economy. Some of these were summer jobs that helped pay a lot of college tuition.

Still, there’s no immediate new crisis in immigration. The numbers of those coming across the Mexican border have been declining lately.

That doesn’t mean that it’s not a very bad problem. But the situation doesn’t justify acting in legally dubious, delegitimizing ways that will tend to give a green light to more people to come here illegally, with economic and national-security implications.

If the president and the new Republican-led Congress cannot agree on immigration reform, then they should put off its resolution until, if necessary, one party controls Congress and the White House. Until then, here’s a simple proposal: More firmly enforce the laws on the books. To be fair, note that the Obama administration has deported record numbers of illegals.

ANOTHER THOUGHT on the mid-term elections: The Democrats’ biggest mistake was, out of fear of offending its big-money backers, it took no strong stand against those whom Franklin Roosevelt called “economic royalists” in pushing for a better deal for the middle class.

This is what happened back when Democrats failed to fight for extending Medicare to everyone, rather than coming up with the labyrinthine (and GOP-inspired!) Affordable Care Act. The Democrats need a clear message. In the last election, the perception was that the Democrats really didn’t stand for anything. The high-voting Republicans clearly stood for something: To block Barack Obama at every turn. The president may be standing for something in his immigration plans, but he’s doing it in the wrong way.

AS A RESIDENT of Brooklyn in the ’70s, when New York City was falling apart, I enjoyed the recent Associated Press article about that borough (“Once mocked, Brooklyn emerges as global symbol”).

It has become a symbol of innovation, renewal, gentrification, locavore restaurants and tech startups, with many young Silicon Valleyish types. (One of my daughters recently left Brooklyn for Los Angeles complaining that she was tired of living in a place “where everyone is 25.”)

Somewhat similar transformations have occurred in other old urban areas, including parts of Providence. And even Detroit may be at the very start of a revival.

When I worked in Lower Manhattan and lived in Brooklyn my co-workers acted as if I were commuting to Outer Mongolia. Now it’s where Wall Street types want to be. Never give up on a city!

IF THERE’S one thing that Republicans and Democrats ought to agree on, it’s the nation’s physical infrastructure, especially transportation. And yet key parts of it are falling apart.

Consider the 100-year-old Portal Bridge, part of the underfunded but very heavily traveled Northeast Corridor of Amtrak and local commuter trains. New Jersey Transit, which runs the Garden State’s commuter trains, says that problems on the old bridge caused more than 200 delays from the start of 2013-through July 2014! And that’s far from the only bottleneck on the Northeast Corridor. The aging system (which also needs more tracks) is also a particular mess around Baltimore, as those awaiting northbound trains in New York’s squalid, claustrophobia-inducing Penn Station can especially confirm.

Now there’s a belated plan to replace the Portal Bridge. But with much of American commerce flowing on the Northeast Corridor, the whole stretch must be rebuilt in the next decades. Even with all its flaws (especially when compared with European service), Northeast Corridor train service is a huge wealth creator. If fixed, it can be a much bigger one.

READ Richard Norton Smith’s “On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller,’’ about the charismatic, dyslexic master builder, arts patron and would-be president, who was decisive about many things but not about how to run for president. Rockefeller once said: "I'm not bright. I'm imaginative.'' But he was very bright sometimes, and usually very imaginative -- sometimes too much so.

For years, he represented the  GOP's "Eastern Establishment,'' but his party moved south and west on him. By 1964, when asked by backers to call in the “Eastern Establishment,”   he replied: “You’re looking at it, buddy. I’m all that’s left.”

Robert Whitcomb oversees New England Diary. 

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Charles Chieppo: Boston Olympics could be fiscal fiasco

 BOSTON

Boston, Los Angeles, San Francisco and Washington, D.C., are vying to be the  U.S. entry into the competition to host the 2024 Summer Olympics. The United States Olympic Committee (USOC) will make its selection later this winter, and word is that Boston has the inside track.

In a statement, the group spearheading Boston's effort wrote, "If Boston is selected by the USOC, a thoughtful and robust public process will begin ..." But the time for such a process is now, not after the USOC makes its selection.

Until now, neither Boston nor the state has taken any official action regarding efforts to host the Olympics. What has instead passed for process is hardly encouraging to those seeking fairness and transparency.

An exploratory committee was assembled, but far from being neutral, it was stacked with Olympics boosters. No local economists were named to the committee, and its report included no independent cost estimate. Supporters say they have conducted "extensive and comprehensive" feasibility studies that include how the Olympic Village and stadium would be reused. For those of us who have been involved in what passed for processes around building and expanding convention centers, these steps are eerily familiar and hardly reassuring.

Boosters say hosting the 2024 Summer Games would require $5 billion in new construction, which they claim would be privately financed. They estimate that the state would have to spend $6 billion on infrastructure.

But those numbers don't stack up with data on the cost of hosting recent Summer Olympics, which has averaged more than $19 billion since 2000. Sponsorships, television, licensing, ticket and merchandise sales generally bring in $5 billion to $6 billion, less than half of which goes to the host city.

Signing on the dotted line includes a pledge by host cities that the games will go forward as planned regardless of the cost. That leaves state and local taxpayers on the hook for overruns, which experience teaches us are both assured and significant. Final costs average about three times the estimates included in initial bids.

It took Montreal 30 years to pay off its debt from hosting the 1976 Summer Olympics. Paying back $11 billion from Athens's hosting of the 2004 summer games was one of the reasons for Greece's subsequent debt crisis.

These costs haven't gone unnoticed. In 1995, there were nine applicants from around the world to host the 2002 Winter Games that were held in Salt Lake City; this year, just two cities are vying to host the 2022 Winter Olympics.

For Boston and the other American cities with an eye to hosting the 2024 Summer Olympics, the public's money -- and a lot of it -- is at stake. The public should not have to wait until one of those cities is anointed by the USOC to have its say.

Charles Chieppo is a research fellow at the Ash Center at Harvard University.  This piece originated on the Web site of Governing magazine (governing.com). We run it with Mr. Chieppo's permission.

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Llewellyn King: Chronic Fatigue Syndrome takes victims hostage

  T.S. Eliot may have had it wrong: The cruelest months are November and December, when the holidays are upon us, not April. For those who are broken – broken in all the ways that people can be broken -- the holidays are a special hell.

The bedridden, the incarcerated, the mourners, the maimed from accidents, disease or wars, the heartbroken – either those who have had their hearts broken by lovers or others, or those who have had no one in their lives -- endure the holidays in anguish, hurting even more than the permanent hurt that has become their lives.

You may find the broken in the corners at parties, sitting glumly at the table. But the real suffering is unseen; the real sufferers cannot make it to the table – or dare not for fear that the outing will cost them later. The brave face can mask the deepest hurt.

They are the permanently sick. Those who will be sick today, sick tomorrow and sick in the next holiday season as they were in the last.

There are people who suffer constant illness in all the myriad ways that a body can be afflicted or fail. No afflicted cohort is more deserving of understanding than another; none has a greater call for science to redouble its efforts for a cure than another.

But the effort to find cures is woefully skewed by the institutions of medicine, by the pharmaceutical companies and by those diseases that have celebrity champions, informing the public and the politics of research institutions. Yes, there is always politics and so there are winners and losers. Celebrities can help: Elizabeth Taylor did so for AIDS, Jerry Lewis for Multiple Sclerosis, and Michael J. Fox is doing so for Parkinson’s disease.

I write and broadcast about one disease in particular, Myalgic Encephalomyelitis (ME), also called Chronic Fatigue Syndrome. It is a disease largely orphaned by the medical community which has no test for it -- cannot say with assurance that a patient has it until months of debility validate that it is ME. In medical parlance, there are no biological markers. What is known is that it is almost certainly a disease of the immune system, and that there is no cure. It also has no celebrity benefactors and no lobby in Washington.

I think of it as a terrorist disease, which takes its patents hostage and confines them in an alternative world of muscle pain, headaches, diarrhea, dizziness, brain fog and almost permanent collapse. Some are  hurt by light, others by sound.

One sufferer says that having ME is like being an engine without fuel: Your tank is empty and you hurt in new and refined ways almost daily. Sufferers go through long periods of disability where they cannot function at all. “I thought I was already in my coffin,” another told me.

The joys are few and sometimes from little things, like a pet or nature observations. One sufferer, Elisabeth Tova Bailey, wrote a wonderful book, The Sound of a Wild Snail Eating. It is about the habits of a snail in a terrarium next to her bed, during two years of sustained collapse.

This is a disease that steals lives, chains them up in dungeons of despair where loneliness and suffering reach “excruciating proportions,” according to my colleague, Deborah Waroff, whose life was snatched by this disease 25 years ago. Together Waroff and I established a YouTube channel on ME, mecfsalert.

The loved ones, and the caregivers – if there are any -- are enslaved by this disease, seeing those they care about in a place where neither love nor medicine can reach them. Literally and figuratively, they must fluff the pillows once again and mouth the empty words -- lies really -- of encouragement that we all utter in the face of hopelessness. Those who live on their own, often in poverty and sloth they cannot ameliorate for themselves, suffer what one woman told me was such sustained loneliness that she prayed nightly for death.

Thanksgiving, Christmas, Hanukah, Kwanzaa and New Year's Eve are on the way. Sadly, while the rest of us are suffused with joy, the permanently ill take stock and find their lives are terribly wanting and isolated on the holidays.

Llewellyn King (lking@kingpublishing.com) is executive producer and host of “White House Chronicle” on PBS.

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

A nation of civic slobs

The  grossly overpaid healthcare economist Jonathan Gruber has been pilloried for making fun of the ignorance of the American public in the healthcare debate that led up to the enactment of the Affordable Care Act. But he's right: When it comes to even minimally educating themselves about important public issues, the American public is astonishingly lazy. Most  citizens  don't even bother to vote in non-presidential-election years. They are civic slobs, even as they whine about what the government does.

36.4 percent of eligible citizens voted on Nov. 4. That means that less than 20 percent of those eligible to vote determined the the overall outcome of the national election.

Indeed, it seems that the more information that is available to citizens in the great swamp  of the Internet,  and the easier voting is made, the lazier  they get as citizens.

18- to-29-year-olds made up 13 percent of the midterm electorate,  down from 19 percent in the 2012 presidential election .

Some 22 percent of 2014 voters were 65 and older, up from 16 percent in 2012.

Thus you can expect  legislation that favors the old (such as tax laws that give preference to investment income over earned income) to continue to dominate measures that favor the young.

 

 

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