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Vox clamantis in deserto

Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Please, Mr. Obama, cool the equivalence

President Obama was foolish the other week to drawn an equivalence between Christian violence, which was mostly hundreds of years ago, and the endless violence perpetrated by Islamists now and from the start. And for that matter, the Muslims started the violence against Christians and invaded Europe soon after Mohammed started the religion.  (Charles Martel stopped them at Tours.) And  early Islamists "converted'' people through the sword; some of them are still doing the same thing, with guns and bombs. They're still using violence to expand their  religion. Christians have long since moved on from the Inquisition, etc. Obama and others must find the courage to declare that Western Civilization has long been better than any other, for all of its disasters. It has created more good for more people than any other  major cultural tradition. One of the reasons is  its ability to absorb the best of other cultures, including many of the glories of Islamic and East Asian civilizations. That makes it the most supple and innovative of  major cultures, and usually, the most humane, with such horrific exceptions as the Holocaust.

That's why people flee to the West.

--Robert Whitcomb

 

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Of a hearty heart

kaye "Solid Survival" (exterior house paint on wood), by MARJORIE KAYE, at Atlantic Works Gallery, East Boston, in the show "Inner Investigation/Hidden Truths,'' March 6-28.

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'Fallen paintings'

polly  

"Blow-Up'' (crushed synthetic velvet, fabric dye, 1997), by POLLY APFELBAUM, in the show "Nevermind: Work from the 90s,'' at the Worcester Art Museum, through March 1.

Ms. Apfelbaum thinks of this sort of work as opening up a new conceptual and physical space for painting and sculpture.

She calls it "fallen paintings,'' which are "poised between painting and sculpture.''  And she says that the floor can be an interesting place for art, since, among other things,  " belongs to domesticity, the place where your dirty clothes go.''

 

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Marc Brown: New England's shortsighted electricity policies

This wholesale electricity costs haven’t reached the historic levels seen during the 2013-2014 winter, but that doesn’t mean that all is well with New England’s electricity markets. We still have the highest regional electricity costs in the United States, and impending capacity shortages will be a challenge to policymakers for years to come.

ISO-New England, which operates New England’s power grid, has repeatedly warned that 8,000 megawatts (25 percent) of New England’s electricity capacity has either retired or is “at-risk” of retiring. ISO’s calculations don’t include Pilgrim (Massachusetts) or Millstone (Connecticut) nuclear plants, which represent an additional 2,500 mw that some experts have considered to be at risk of closing.

How did we get here? Over the past 15 years, New England has implemented short-sighted electricity policies that have led to a hodgepodge of mandates and regulations that favor renewable energy generation and state-decreed long-term contracts between electricity suppliers and renewable electricity generators.

A significant factor in the premature closing of the Vermont Yankee nuclear plant was the continued expansion of the renewable portfolio standard and purchase power agreements that accompany them. Add that to the federal production tax credits that benefit wind farms, giving them a $50/mwh head start on their competitors in the marketplace. This allows them to submit negative bids into the market, artificially depressing prices, which provides short-term savings, but ultimately leads to more base load retirements and long-term pain for ratepayers.

So why have electricity prices not reached the historic heights of last winter? Two reasons: First, it has not been as cold this winter and this has put less pressure on electricity demand. Second, and more importantly, we have had an increase in liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports mainly due to the inclusion of LNG in the winter reliability program.

The winter reliability program was implemented last winter (without LNG) and was largely responsible for keeping the lights on during last winter’s cold snap. It has played a similarly important role this January. This out-of-market program is designed to incentivize oil, natural gas and dual-fueled generators to carry inventory (oil) or to contract for fuel (LNG), ensuring that they have sufficient fuel reserves to operate when called upon.

Last summer, New England’s winter LNG strip prices were being offered with the highest forward prices, which means that LNG tankers from Trinidad chose New England over Europe or Asia. The Northeast Gateway, an LNG receiving facility located 13 miles off of the coast of Boston, has provided the region with an additional 1 billion cubic feet of LNG this winter from a facility that has laid dormant since the spring of 2010.

We can thank ISO’s changes to the winter reliability program for the increased LNG supplies, but is this a long-term solution? While the program has kept the lights on and the influx of LNG supplies have suppressed prices this winter, it would be foolhardy to depend on LNG imports as a long-term solution to future electricity supply shortages.

The ongoing debate on electricity prices has focused on natural gas pipeline expansion because of our growing reliance on natural gas for generation. There have been a number of pipeline projects proposed throughout New England, but proposals like Kinder Morgan’s Northeast Energy Direct Project have been met with fierce opposition from residents in both Massachusetts and New Hampshire.

When faced with policy decisions, our elected officials need to answer one simple question: Will passing this bill raise the cost of electricity? If the answer to that question is yes, then their vote on the bill needs to be no. Until that happens, we will continue to lose jobs to other parts of the country. For those who disagree, maybe you should speak to the thousands of out-of-work millworkers in Maine or machinists in New Hampshire and hear what they have to say.

Marc Brown is executive director of the New England Ratepayers Association.


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Charles Pinning: 'When what you want comes to you'

  granter

"Hope'' (oil and gold leaf on panel), by ELLEN GRANTER, at Alpers Fine Art, Andover, Mass.

I was devastated! I’d given Lisa Goodrich a Valentine’s Day card and a box of chocolates, and she could barely say thank you before shoving them into her book bag and hurrying off to her mother’s waiting Cadillac.

I walked home from school and must have looked as dejected as I felt, for as I approached our house, Anna Pasch, who lived next door, came out of hers and asked me what was wrong.

“Nothing.”

“That’s not true,” she said.

“I gave a Valentine’s Day card to this girl in my class and she just put it in her book bag and walked away.”

Anna slung her arm around my shoulders. “C’mon inside and have some banana bread.”

Halfway through my second slice, Anna got it out of me that it was Lisa Goodrich and that I’d also given her a box of chocolates.

“Oh, boy,” sighed Anna.

I made a wounded animal sound.

“Will you do me a favor? asked Anna. “Will you be my Valentine?”

My older brother was slapping English Leather on his face in preparation for his Valentine’s night out with his girlfriend.

“I’m taking Sally to the Pier,” he said. The Pier was a fancy restaurant on the harbor in downtown Newport.

“I’m going to the White Horse Tavern,” I said.

“Yeah, sure.”

“Anna’s taking me.”

My brother stopped. “What is it with you two, anyway?”

“I—” but before I could say anything he cut me off.

“Anna Pasch is the most gorgeous creature in Newport, possibly the entire United States. I’ve asked her out. Everybody has asked her out, and my fourteen year old brother is the only person she’ll go out with. I’ve asked you this before and I am asking you again: What do you two do together?”

“Nothing.”

“That’s impossible! Two people cannot do nothing together! Did you tell Mom and Dad?”

“Not yet.”

“They’ll let you go. They love her. You’ve never been to the White Horse.”

“So?”

“Well, you better start getting ready. It’s very fancy.”

“As fancy as The Pier?”

“Fancier.”

“Can I borrow one of your ties?”

“No.”

Anna and I sat at a round table in front of the fireplace in the barroom. I wore my blue blazer, plaid bell bottoms and loafers. I took a tie of my brothers anyway. He had so many he wouldn’t even notice, if I put it back just right.

Anna looked like a movie star. Sixteen years old and over six feet tall, her effect was always impressive. Add to that her sapphire-blue eyes and bright blonde hair, perfect complexion and Wonder Woman body and basically everyone in view was dropping dead.

Anna’s uncle was a manager at the White Horse, hence the table in front of the fireplace and the immediate tendering of two flute glasses of French ginger ale.

“Happy Valentine’s Day, Sweetheart,” Anna toasted, and after our first sip she kissed me. Her lipstick smelled like roses, made somehow more red and fragrant by the snow falling outside the windows, the candlelight and burning wood.

“Charlie, Lisa Goodrich will waste your time and break your heart. Her family came over on the Mayflower, and they think all that crap is actually important. She is cute but she’s conventional. Lisa will always be about Lisa.

“You are intense and you are smart. And you are sensitive. If you try to please Lisa Goodrich, your edge will dull. Did she wiggle her tail for you?”

Stifling a laugh, I aspirated ginger ale out my nose.

“A female does that to attract and then sort out the possibilities and you’ve been rejected. Consider yourself lucky. She’ll eventually settle on Barclay Belmont, or someone like him. You, as a male, are wired to fight for her and try to control her, even though actual life has surpassed the slow steps of biological evolution.”

“Wow.” I said wow a lot when I was around Anna.

“My love, you don’t win something by conquering it. You win when what you want comes to you.”

Before we got out of Anna’s yellow Mustang convertible, we kissed. Anna and I had a way of getting lost in our kisses. We could let one kiss just go on and on, breathing in out of each other. Our lips had fit together perfectly from the start.

She took my hand. “Here. Feel my heart. Can you feel it beating?”

“Wow.” I’d never felt anything like that before.

“Happy Valentine’s Day, Sweetheart. All we have to do is be ourselves and the world is ours. It will be easy for us, if you let it.”

Charles Pinning, an occasional contributor, is the author of the Rhode Island-based novel, “Irreplaceable.”

 

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Selfish people in fat cars

As a libertarian about many things, I used to oppose laws against using cell phones while driving even in states  -- Rhode Island is the worst I have seen -- noteworthy for having very  incompetent, lazy and inconsiderate drivers. No more. The relentless snows have  dramatized just how bad many drivers in the Ocean State are. The people in SUV's are the worst -- perhaps because the owners tend to be affluent and spoiled. They barrel down streets many of which are  now less than a lane wide, at 20 miles an hour over the speed limit, with walls of snow and ice squeezing from both sides while yakking about their trivial lives on their phones.

I'll be pleased when the price of gasoline goes to $5 a gallon and even some of these slobs might get rid of their fat cars. They'll still be  self-absorbed, spoiled people but less able to make life miserable for others on the road, be they other drivers or hapless pedestrians looking for a sidewalk behind six-foot-high walls of dirty snow.

-- Robert Whitcomb

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Summer scene

bradford "Off the Greenland Coast Under the Midnight Sun'' (oil on pastel), by WILLIAM D. BRADFORD, in the "Over Life's Waters'' sh0w at the New Britain Museum of American Art,'' through April 12.

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Amtrak plan to improve Northeast Corridor service

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Llewellyn King: The new world of work

One thing we think we know about the Republicans is that they take a dim view of waste, fraud and abuse. So how come the U.S. House of Representatives, in Republican hands, has voted 56 times to repeal or cripple the Affordable Care Act, better known as Obamacare?

They've put forth this extraordinary effort despite an explicit veto threat from President Obama. Their repeated effort reminds one of Onan in the Bible, which politely says he spilled his seed on the ground.

It’s a waste of the legislative calendar and the talents of the House members. It’s a fraud because it gives the impression that the House is doing the people’s business when it is holding a protracted political rally. It’s an abuse of those who need health care because it introduces uncertainty into the system for providers, from the insurers to the home-care visitors.

It’s symptomatic of the political hooliganism which has taken over our politics, where there is little to choose between the protagonists.

Republican groups think that Obama is the doer of all evil in the nation — especially to the economy — and the world. Daily their Democratic counterparts gush vitriol against all the potential Republican presidential candidates, only pausing for an aside about the wickedness of Fox News.

Their common accusation is middle-class job woes. They’re on to something about jobs, but not the way the debate on jobs is being framed.

The political view of jobs is more jobs of the kind that we once thought of as normal and inevitable. But the nature of work is changing rapidly, and it cries out for analysis.

The model of the corporation that employs a worker at reasonable wages that rise every year, toward a defined-benefit pension, is over. Today’s businesses are moving toward a model of employment at will; the job equivalent of the just-in-time supply chain.

While more of us are becoming, in fact, self-employed, the structure of law and practice hasn’t been modified to accommodate the worker who may never know reliable, full-time employment.

The middle-class job market is being commoditized, as the pay-per-hour labor market includes everything from construction to network administration. Sports Illustrated — synonymous with great photography — has just fired all six of its staff photographers. Don’t worry, the great plays will still be recorded and the Swimsuit Issue will still titillate, but the pictures will be taken by freelancers and amateurs.

Two forces are changing the nature of work. First, the reality that has devastated manufacturing: U.S. workers are in competition with the global labor pool, and business will always take low-cost option. If unemployment goes up in China, that will be felt in the U.S. workplace. Second is the march of technology; its disruptive impact is the new normal. Accelerated change is here to stay.

All is not gloom. The trick is to let the old go — particularly difficult for Democrats — and to let the new in. There will be new entrepreneurs; more small, nimble businesses; and whole new directions of endeavor, from gastro-tourism to cottage-industry manufacturing, utilizing 3D printing. Individuals will be free in a new way.

Government needs to think about this and devise a new infrastructure that recognizes that the nature of work is changing. The emerging new economy should have simplified taxes and Social Security payments for the self-employed; portable, affordable health care; and universal catastrophe insurance, so that those who are not under an employer umbrella can benefit from the equivalent of workers’ compensation. The self-employed, rightly, fear the day they can’t work.

Rugged individualism has a new face. The political class needs to look and see the new workplace.

Llewellyn King (lking@kingpublishing.com), an occasional contributor, is executive producer and host of “White House Chronicle” on PBS.

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Nature in tooth, claw and wire

holme "Sculpture in Wire,'' by MARK HOLME, to be shown at Arts Marketplace: Pawtucket, next Sept. 26 and 27.

 

 

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And I won't come back

DRISCOLL WHETHER300x5  

"Whether'' (mixed media), by ROSALYN DRISCOLL, in the show "Forever & After: Six Contemporary Sculptors,'' at South Shore Art Center, Cohasset, Mass.,  Feb. 20-April 4.

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Tim Faulkner: National Grid stalling wind power for fear of competition?

By TIM FAULKNER of ecoRI News staff

PROVIDENCE — The construction of 10 wind turbines, and possibly dozens more, has been stymied by a dispute between a renewable-energy developer and National Grid.

For more than three years, Wind Energy Development LLC, headed by construction company owner Mark DePasquale, has been feuding with National Grid over the cost of connecting proposed turbines to the electric grid, a process known as interconnection.

So far, Wind Energy Development (WED) has built one commercial-scale turbine in North Kingstown and has received approval to build 10 400-foot-high wind turbines in Coventry. Construction is ongoing for two of those turbines at the site of the former Picillo Farm, a 99-acre Superfund site owned by Coventry. Site work is underway for another six turbines on private property adjacent to the former pig farm. Sites are also being prepared for two more turbines along Route 117.

On Feb. 17, WED is scheduled to present proposals for two turbines to the North Smithfield Town Council.

DePasquale claims National Grid is stalling the projects and jeopardizing plans for others by delaying approval of paperwork and frequently requesting new information. The utility also has increased WED’s interconnection cost from $270,000 to $1.2 million, according to DePasquale.

He believes  that National Grid is stymieing interconnections and intentionally inflating costs to dissuade developers like him from generating electricity and selling it directly to customers. This process was helped last year by a change in state law that allows all public entities, such as water supply boards and sewage treatment facilities, to enter into long-term power-purchase agreements.

“That’s a threat to National Grid. A big threat,” DePasquale said during a Jan. 29 Statehouse hearing for a bill that requires utilities such as National Grid to complete interconnection agreements within 60 days.

The legislation asks the utility to pay for the interconnection through its maintenance fund, called the Electric Infrastructure, Safety and Reliability Account. The bill also looks to double the size of a renewable-energy project that qualifies for the state’s fixed-pricing program, known as distributed generation (DG).

DePasquale said he’s willing to pay his fair share of the interconnection costs, but not for maintenance that should have been done years ago. The stall tactics, he claimed, are holding up $81 million in new construction and $12 million in lease revenue to private property owners.

Coventry and West Warwick have already signed long-term, fixed-price agreements to buy power from WED turbines and are eager to receive the savings, he said.

DePasquale added that the interconnection dispute also is delaying new contracts with hundreds of other potential partners for wind turbines, such as farmers. German wind turbine company Vensys, he said, is also looking to open a facility at the Quonset Business Park to import its turbines and meet the demand that  WED is creating in the region.

WED has filed a  document with the Rhode Island Public Utilities Commission that seeks to prohibit National Grid from assessing a charge-through tax and ends the practice of overcharging for studies.

National Grid says the delays and the 150-day waiting period are justified in order to address the complexities of a relatively new renewable-energy program. Mike Ryan, National Grid’s vice president  for government affairs for Rhode Island, said the company has devoted $500 million to update its substations, utility poles and electric wires.

He said using funds from the Electric Infrastructure, Safety and Reliability Account for interconnection would increase ratepayer costs. He noted that all other states require renewable-energy developers to pay the entire cost for interconnection.

“Those costs are always built into it,” Ryan said.

The state Office of Energy Resources, which oversees the DG program and other renewable-energy incentives, said it hasn’t received complaints about interconnection from other commercial-scale renewable developers. However, the three turbines built at the Narragansett Bay Commission water-treatment facility at Field’s Point were delayed by a protracted dispute over interconnection costs.

The sponsor of the bill, Rep. John Carnevale (D.-Providence) said National Grid is using delay tactics and “squeezing” WED to pay for maintenance the company has neglected for decades. Carnevale claimed National Grid is instead spending its money on executive pay.

He noted that last year compensation to National Grid CEO Steve Holliday increased 56 percent, to $7.8 million. He said Steve King, head of the U.S. operations for National Grid, received a 58 percent pay raise, to $6.8 million.

“And they hit our ratepayers with a 23 percent increase,” Carnevale said.

He noted National Grid’s repeated resistance to legislation that expanded wholesale buying and selling of electricity, known as net metering, by independent power producers.

“They don’t want competition plain and simple,” Carnevale said.

The legislation was held for further study by the House Committee on Corporations. The PUC said it expects to conduct a full review of the matter.

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'Honor' and Putin do not go together

. “We must attempt an honorable peace, but the Ukrainians have the right to defend themselves,” Vice President Joe Biden said on Saturday. A "honorable peace'' is impossible with a narcissistic and kleptocratic thug like Vladimir Putin. The Ukrainians should have been armed by the West many months ago, as Putin, who is basically a Fascist dictator, stole Crimea on route to more conquests. And yet many in the West fearfully hang on to their illusions.

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The long view of the Great Snow of 2015

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Global warming and big snowstorms

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The official New England scene

lighthouse

"Guiding Us Home'' (acrylic on canvas),  by GIG PARIS, in upcoming show  at the Alden Gallery at the Art Complex Museum, in Duxbury, Mass.

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David Warsh: Stop the slide toward war with Russia

Incredible as it seems, it was only a year ago that  U.S. relations with Russia began their serious slide. The first sign of trouble that I noticed was the cover of The New Yorker for Feb. 3, 2014, on the eve of the Sochi Olympics.  A figure-skating Vladimir Putin leaps while five little Putin lookalikes feign a lack of interest from the judges’ stand.A month later, after a series of increasingly violent demonstrations in Kiev, the recently elected Ukrainian president, Viktor Yanukovych, fled to Moscow.

I still don’t know what to believe about those events. Were they a “revolution,” or  “coup?” Whatever the case, there is ample evidence that the U.S. was in the midst of things, in the form of Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland’s famous phone call to the American ambassador to Ukraine, conveniently taped and made public by the Russians.

At least I had watched enough of the Olympics to know that there was something off about the New Yorker cover. It was the kind of demonization of a foreign leader deemed wicked that had accompanied the run-up to the invasion of Iraq. In fact, Russia ran those Olympics pretty well, especially for a nation struggling mightily to find its footing among the community of nations.

Events have spiraled dangerously since. The flight of Yanukovich from Kiev set in motion the Russian annexation of the Crimea, with its Russian naval  base in Sevastopol, which in turn was followed by a civil war in eastern Ukraine. The U.S. and its European allies imposed sanctions on Russia which, in combination with sharply lower oil prices, have sent the Russian economy into a severe recession. Ukrainian government forces attacked the separatists in the east, calling them “terrorists,” imposing a brutal toll on civilians in the cities. (The Ukrainian forces claim the separatists are shelling themselves.) Last month Russian forces began reinforcing the separatists.  The aims of the new campaign are not yet clear.

My most-trusted source of news all along has been Johnson's Russia List. I’ve written before about this remarkable digest of news about Russia. Every few days David Johnson collects The full text of  30 or 40 articles from the English- language press, as well as things the Russians write about themselves, often quite interesting. For $50, I receive an email edition -- 266 of them last year. (Usually, I let them stack up and then scan four or five at a time.)

Recently, I have begun to regularly read Bloomberg News columnist Leonid Bershidsky as well, for his insider perspective, even in exile in Berlin. (He was  founding editor of Vedomosti, the Russian business daily, a joint project of the Financial Times and The Wall Street Journal, and the first publisher of the Russian edition of Forbes.)

I’ve also found Stephen Cohen a reliable guide. An emeritus professor of Russian Studies at New York University and Princeton, Cohen writes regularly in The Nation (which his wife, Katrina vanden Heuvel, edits and partly owns.  He is  a friend and admirer of Mikhail Gorbachev, and consistently interprets Putin on Putin’s own terms.

Cohen is often attacked  by  hawks about Russia, but it was an especially bilious article about him that brought Julia Ioffe onto my screen. An energetic and perapatetic journalist, Ioffe was born in Moscow in 1982 and emigrated to the  U.S.  in 1990. In 2005 she graduated from Princeton and went to work as a fact-checker for The New Yorker.  Since then she’s made a name for herself as a vigorous critic of Putin, mostly recently in The New Republic.

''Court Jester: Putin's American Toady at The Nation Gets Even Toadier'' (May 1, 2014) made me think that perhaps the demise of that once- great magazine was not such a bad thing after all, Whereupon The New York Times Magazine hired her as a contributing writer and The New Yorker ran her profile of Mikhail Khodorkovsky:  "Remote Control: Can an Exiled Oligarch Prove to Russians that Putin Must Go?''

What’s going on here?

The explanation that makes sense to me involves thinking in generational terms, in this case, the generation of U.S.  policy makers and journalists that took shape in 1991, when the Soviet Union dissolved.  The years before were so much  prologue:  the return to Europe of the satellite nations; the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany; Tiananmen Square; the Gulf War; the August ‘91 coup attempt to wrest control from Gorbachev; Ukrainian independence;  and the election of Boris Yeltsin:  the beginnings of a Second Russian Revolution, or so it was said. Bill Clinton was elected in 1992 and resolved to make it so.

The Clinton administration put in place the policies towards Russia that George W. Bush and Barack Obama have continued: support for privatization and the extension of membership in the Group of Eight, but NATO expansion as a precaution. For the Russians, however, eight years of Boris Yeltsin were enough.  Vladimir Putin succeeded him, in 2000, and Russia turned in a different direction.  What that direction may be surely continues to be a very complicated story.

But the direction of U.S.  policy remains unchanged. Strobe Talbott, Clinton’s Rhodes scholarship classmate at Oxford, was at the center of U.S. policy towards Russia throughout the ’90s. A one-time Time magazine journalist, Talbott  was ambassador-at-large to the New Independent States before becoming Deputy Secretary of State in 1994.Today he is president of the Brooking Institution.

In a recent op-ed article in The Washington Post, Talbott urged the Obama administration to begin supplying weapons to the Ukrainian army, anti-tank missiles and counter-battery radar in particular. (That elicited a brave – and telling – counterargument from Fiona Hill, director of the Center on the United States and Europe of the Brookings Institution and Brookings fellow Clifford Gaddy.)

Talbott’s State Department chief of staff, Nuland, is at the helm of the State Department’s Eurasian affairs today.  During the Bush administration she advised Vice President Dick Cheney on the eve of the Iraq invasion and served as US ambassador to NATO.

Similarly, members of the generation of  ’91 in the press remain influential today.  To name just one; David Remnick had become Washington Post bureau chief in Moscow in 1988; in 1994 he published Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire (for which he received a Pulitzer Prize); he became editor of The New Yorker in 1998.

Last week three major papers in the U.S.  editorialized in favor of sending lethal aid to the Ukrainians, and so beginning a proxy war with Russia – The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, and New York Times, albeit the last-named in an especially weasel-worded way (“But if the evidence continues to accumulate that Mr. Putin and the rebels are carving out a permanent rebel-held enclave in eastern Ukraine, à la Transdniestria, Abkhazia or South Ossetia, he must know that the United States and Europe will be compelled to increase the cost”). Defense Secretary nominee Ashton Carter on Wednesday told a Senate committee that he, too, favors sending weapons to Ukraine.

Let’s hope that President Obama has the sense and strength to resist this crazy itch to escalate a war that only Putin can win. Aiding Ukraine economically is one thing; almost everyone agrees on that. But Hill and Gaddy of Brookings get it right when they say, “if we plunge headlong into sending weapons, we may lose our allies, and we may never have the opportunity to get things right.”  The alternative is better news-gathering and more European diplomacy.

Ultimately, only a generation replaces a generation.  The thing that will halt this slide towards war is regime change – in Washington, D.C. Counterintuitive though it may seem, electing Jeb Bush, if he is able to gain his party’s nomination, is the only way to break the mood of self-infatuation, often dangerous, that began with Bill Clinton and which for  24 years has afflicted Democrats and Republicans alike.

David Warsh is a longtime economic historian and financial journalist. He is proprietor of economicprincipals.com

 

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Land ripe for retirement-home development

atlantis "Atlantis" (oil on prepared wood panel), by SUSAN LYMAN, in her show "The Body of Nature: Sculpture in Wood and Oil Paintings,'' at Boston Sculpture Gallery, Feb. 25-March 29.

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Of bills of lading and a stolen $45

  Martin

 "November Tide'' (oil and oil stick on canvas), by ROGER MARTIN, in his show "Bills of Lading: The Art and Poetry of Roger Martin,'' at the Cape Ann Museum, Gloucester, Mass., Feb. 14-June 28. Mr. Martin is Rockport’s first poet laureate and author of three books celebrating the people and poetry of his hometown.

 

xxx

The reference to "Bills of Lading'' brought back  memories of working in the mid-'60s in Mills Transfer Co.,  on the South Boston waterfront. The company was responsible for processing the shipping of  various goods, mostly for the New England shoe business, then in steep decline.

While the view  from the office of Boston Harbor and Logan Airport was gorgeous, (though the air was  often rank with the stench of the nearby pre-EPA Fort Point Channel) much of the work consisted of the tedious collection and filing of bills of lading. These are documents issued by a shipper that detail  what's in the shipment and confirms ownership of that shipment. Oddly, or maybe as a partial  and intentional offset to the tedium presented by these documents, the various  carbon copies came in lovely pastel colors, which I found soothing as I squeezed them  into gun-metal filing cabinets and longed for the clock to show 5 p.m.

Of course, this was long before the Internet. We had some electronic equipment, including an IBM punch-card machine the frequently broke  --- "do not fold, spindle or  mutilate,'' the cards warned -- and electric typewriters, but most of the work was manual, albeit with physical labor  in our office no more arduous than lifting with two hands cardboard boxes of  dusty paper files. It was all a bit heavier, of course, on the loading platforms below,  albeit with the aid of fork-lift trucks driven by tough members of the Teamsters union who were often  menacing in contract talks but always kept to the strict letter of the contract once a contract was in effect.

I found these guys very reliable and quite funny as I went down there from time to time for an office chore. And it was nice to smell the breeze off the harbor after a cool front came through and the wind turned from southwest to northeast.

Most of people in the office  smoked  (their favorite was Salem) and were friendly if almost universally sarcastic. I  became pals with most of them over three summers, especially after we took a summer lunch boat cruise around the Boston waterfront, which at the time was still decayed and a lure for arsonists. The great boom that was to turn the Hub into a kind of Midtown Manhattan was some years in the future. Indeed, in 1970--71, when I was a reporter for the old Boston Herald Traveler, the city was still quite dowdy and gritty. I was happy to move to New York City, even though it was falling apart then under the weight of bad (if usually well-meaning) governance, laws that ignored human nature and demographics.

Anyway, the exception  to the sarcasm was a  kindly guy with the wonderful name of Sylvester Gookin. (Dickens would have used it.)

I thought he was about 70, but I learned later he was only in his fifties. His white hair and haggard and sad face misled me. Apparently "Sylvie" (who was  notable for being 0ne of the few nonsmokers in the office and always wore an executive-style starched white shirt) had been an executive of some sort in   Mills Transfer Co.'s parent, the United Shoe Machinery Corp. -- now long dead but for decades Boston's biggest industrial enterprise. (The gold-topped, Art Deco  headquarters skyscraper that  the company  had built is still on Federal Street, but dwarfed by much newer towers.)

Sylvie, for whatever reason -- lack of confidence and ambition or focus  -- had been exiled to this little  fifth-floor office to perform low-paid, boring, but mostly stress-free, work.  But still "white collar''! The company was still cooly paternalistic and so few people were fired. The top execs didn't want the unpleasantness.

One  hot day someone stole $45 I had in the drawer of my desk. I mentioned it to Sylvia, who said in a weary but empathetic voice: "You'll loss a lot more than $45 in your life.'' For some reason, that line still haunts me. I assume that everyone in that office is now long dead.

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Charles Chieppo: Weather puts focus on need to fix MBTA

BOSTON

Sometimes events conspire to shine a spotlight on the effects of decades of bad policy decisions. Such was the case earlier this week when the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority — and with it the Greater Boston economy — all but ground to a halt under the weight of record snowfall and cold.

Fixing the T will require reform, restraint, and money, and it will be far more difficult than it would have been had state leaders acted when the agency’s problems became apparent more than a decade ago.

Today the MBTA owes nearly $9 billion in debt and interest, and faces a $3 billion maintenance backlog. With the T paying nearly as much in debt service as it collects in fares, the commonwealth, despite its own fiscal problems, will likely have to take over some of that debt. Otherwise, the transit agency will be like one of the many cars we’ve seen in the last week, spinning its wheels faster only to get mired ever-deeper in snow.

But the state can’t solve all the MBTA’s problems. The T should develop clear, customer-focused metrics, as promised in Massachusetts’s 2009 transportation reform law, publish them on its website, and regularly update its performance against the metrics.

Performance goals in such areas as on-time performance, percentage of operating costs covered by fare revenue, and a passenger-comfort index based on such variables as working heat and air conditioning and wi-fi availability, should be ambitious yet plausible given the condition of MBTA assets. Annual funding increases should be tied to achieving the goals, which should become more aggressive as the system gradually modernizes.

At first, additional funding should come from raising the state gasoline tax. But with the rise of high-mileage and alternative-fuel vehicles, the gas tax is at best a temporary fix. The longer-term solution lies in electronic tolling of limited-access highways in the state's metropolitan areas, similar to what the Massachusetts Transportation Finance Commission recommended in 2007.

Until now, residents outside Greater Boston and those who don’t use the MBTA have resisted any role in solving the T’s problems. But drivers benefit from a transit system that takes cars off the road. And a functioning transit system is critical to a metropolitan area that drives regional economic growth well beyond Interstate 495 or even the borders of Massachusetts.

The story of the MBTA’s downfall is one of underinvestment exacerbated by irresponsible expansion. For more than two decades, the T expanded faster than any other major American transit agency, yet no funding mechanism was established to pay for any of it.

Maintenance was the loser in this game of musical chairs. By fiscal 2010, things got to the point where just six of the T’s 57 most critical safety projects could be funded. As former John Hancock President and CEO David D’Alessandro wrote in his 2009 MBTA review, “It makes little sense to continue expanding the system when the MBTA cannot maintain the existing one.”

And it’s both unfair and unrealistic to think that tax- and toll-payers who just rejected indexing the state gas tax to inflation should kick in the astronomical sums it would take to simultaneously shore up MBTA finances and pay to build, operate, and maintain new lines.

While underinvestment and expansion are at the heart of the MBTA’s problems, other issues require attention. According to a 2013 study by former state Inspector Gen. Greg Sullivan, the T pays far more than it should to maintain its buses. Even though the agency’s chief procurement officer said that performing major bus overhauls in-house cost 50 percent more, the commonwealth’s anti-privatization law prevented the work from being outsourced. That level of inefficiency  should no longer be tolerated.

Nor  should the MBTA’s expensive and dangerously underfunded pension system. Unlike state employees, T workers’ pension contributions are subject to collective bargaining. The result is that they kick in about half as much as their state counterparts, leaving the beleaguered agency to pick up the slack.

Governor Baker is proposing $14 million in T cuts, although more than $8 million will come from a hiring freeze and administrative cuts, which are unlikely to have much impact over the remaining five months of the current fiscal year.

Our region needs a 21st-Century MBTA that facilitates economic growth instead of hindering it. In addition to money, achieving that goal will require determination to learn from past mistakes and the urgency to prevent the problem from spinning even further out of control.

Charles Chieppo is the principal of Chieppo Strategies LLC, a public-policy  communications firm. This piece first ran in The Boston Globe.

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